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Promotion of cross-cultural understanding
When individuals have had only very limited or no contact at all with a particular culture, they commonly hold stereotypical, or broad behavioural generalisations, about that culture and its members. In the absence of direct experience stereotypes provide a set of usually negative and inaccurate guidelines that indicate what can be expected when encountering members of that culture. Commonly held stereotypes include the beliefs that the English are arrogant and aloof, that the Scottish are dour and cheap and that Americans are loud, aggressive and wealthy. In times of impending or actual warfare, governments frequently evoke exceptionally crude stereotypes that demonise and depersonalise the enemy, or 'other', thereby making it easier for the public, or 'us', to hate and kill 'them' (D'Amore 1988). Such attitudes, for example, were deliberately cultivated by the Australian government towards the Japanese people during World War II, while the 'White Australia' immigration policy, which prevailed until the 1970s, was based in large part on imaginary fears of being overwhelmed by the 'faceless hordes' of Asia.
Advocates of tourism contend that direct contacts between tourists and residents can serve to dispel such stereotypes and allow the members of each group to perceive one another as individuals and, potentially, as friends. People who travel extensively are often characterised as more broad-minded, tolerant and cosmopolitan than people who maintain limited contact with the world at large (Mcintosh, Goeldner & Ritchie 1995). Hence, tourism is seen as a potent force for cross-cultural understanding because huge numbers of people come into contact with members of other cultures both at home and abroad. In Australia direct contacts with Japanese arrd other Asian tourists have undoubtedly contributed to the erosion of stereotypes held by some Australians, while the same effect has also occurred through the exposure of outbound Australians to Asia and other overseas destinations. In addition, the government now actively encourages such positive attitudes because of the economic berrefits that are associated with the inbound Asian tourist market.
Orre manifestation of this view is D'Amore's contention that tourism is a vital force for world peace. Aside from the spontaneous day-to-day contacts, he cites the role of tourism in facilitating deliberate 'track-two diplomacy', or unofficial face-to-face contact that augments official or 'track-one' avenues of communication (D'Amore 1988; D'Amore 8c Jafari 1988). A classic example was the 'ping pong' diplomacy of the early 1970s between the United States and China. For strategic reasons, both countries desired normal relationships, but could not realise these immediately in the atmosphere of mutual animosity shaped by 30 years of Cold War hostility. The solution was to open the door slowly through a series of discrete sporting meets, cultural exchanges and city-twinning agreements betweeir the two countries, which often included unofficial contact between low-level diplomats. Gradually, track-one initiatives became feasible after the unofficial contacts served to thaw relationships and place a human face on the former enemy.
Kirn arrd Crompton (1990) discuss a similar process that was initiated between the two Koreas irr the late 1980s. Another- recent example has involved the exchange of scientists, culture troupes and academics betweeir Irarr and the United States during the late 1990s. In all likelihood, the 'Great Satan' will eventually be replaced by the 'Steadfast Ally of the Iranian People", and such low-key tourism exchanges will have been instrumental in bringing aborrt such a radical shift in perception.
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